既要革命,就要有一个革命的党。没有一个革命的党,没有一个按照马克思列宁主义的革命理论和革命风格建立起来的革命党,就不可能领导工人阶级和广大人民群众战胜帝国主义及其走狗。

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  • 挂路灯人@lemmy.mltoLefty Memes@lemmy.dbzer0.com•Proud to be a "tankie"
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    4 days ago

    Accusing me of “not studying theory enough” is plainly a dodge to not engage with an entirely reasonable idea that even anarchists and left communists generally agree with me on (that at some level and for many tasks when organising on a large scale some form of representatives(or delegates as anarchists would call them) are necessary (not to mind a huge portion of left communism is “council communism” where the representative structure is built directly into the name the elected councils)).

    I have not erected any strawmen. My argument is based on an objective fact: in any large-scale social organization, some degree of representation is not only inevitable but also necessary. As long as we acknowledge the material limitations of large-scale cooperation, we must acknowledge the existence of representation mechanisms. This is not something ominous but rather an objective law and basic common sense governing the operation of large organizations. Your misinterpretation of me explaining this objective necessity as denigrating anarchism or left communism to “universal referendums on everything” is clearly simply a way of avoiding the essence of the problem, as I am not arguing against any tendency at this time.

    Thus we return again to the actual point at hand; if representatives of some type are necessary (as is agreed by essentially every tendency) it is entirely ridiculous to act as if representative democracy is some ominous thing rather than the banal and necessary part of large scale organisation that it is.






  • Your grasp of theory is clearly lacking. If you truly understood Marxism-Leninism, you would realize that it was precisely Stalin and the Stalin model that deviated from the standard understanding of Marxism-Leninism, rather than being the orthodox continuation.

    Retaining a supplementary market economy to develop industry has been the orthodox viewpoint of early socialist development since Marx’s time. Marxism is not a philosophy of moralistic preaching. Its stance on private property is not based on the belief that “private property is morally evil.” Marxism is a science that uses evidence and material analysis to objectively examine the evolution of human society, build models, and use these models to predict future social trends.

    The material basis of private property lies in the decentralization of production. However, as the production process becomes increasingly complex, the market will naturally tend towards the concentration of production; Marx called this concentration “socialization.” Lenin expanded upon this explaing how as competition transforms into monopoly and the socialization of production makes great progress, capitalists are unconsciously dragged into a new social order (an order transitioning from completely free competition to complete socialization. Production has been socialized, but ownership remains private) this is the fundamental contradiction.

    Marx predicted that as enterprises expand, social instability will intensify until society cannot progress without resolving this contradiction. The key point is that socialized production is an inevitable consequence of the massive scale required by complex technologies. Large enterprises can not be simply dismantled without destroying their technological foundation; therefore, the surrounding ownership structure must be changed, transforming private ownership into public ownership. The necessary prerequisite being the expropriated industry must have already reached a sufficient degree of socialization.

    If the state takes over an economic sector dominated by small-scale producers, a sector where production is not yet socialized and operations are not yet nationwide, the state is effectively taking over a sector that objectively lacks the infrastructure and technology required for nationwide operation. This introduces a new contradiction between socialized ownership and private production. A moralistic stance will ultimately lead to policies that contradict Marxist analysis, and are doomed to failure. Lenin, explained that nationalizing small producers is tantamount to economic suicide for any party attempting to do so. He also emphasized the necessity of learning to coexist with small producers.

    The classless society envisioned by Marxism is not a society where private enterprises are prohibited and punished by law. Rather, it is a society where state-owned enterprises are so technologically and efficiently advanced that any private entrepreneurship is uncompetitive and inevitably bankrupt. What prevents you from starting a private enterprise is not the law, but the material conditions of the real world.

    Understanding this, let’s look at the Stalin model. The system implemented by the Soviet Union was essentially a wartime economy designed to cope with the impending war against Germany. This was not the path to socialism generally envisioned by Marxists, but primarily a product of necessarily responding to the material reality of the approaching war in Europe; hence, it is called the “Stalin model” in Chinese literature. It is essentially a modification of classical Marxism. Many people imitated it because it was indeed effective in the short term, but this effectiveness only holds true when the economy is highly concentrated in established industry (heavy industry in this case).

    When the shift to light industry was necessary, they encountered the contradiction predicted by classical Marxism: the state simply lacked the material infrastructure to meet all the needs of light industry nationwide. Thus, a black market spontaneously formed by small producers emerged to fill this gap. However, due to Soviet legal restrictions, the state was forced to continuously suppress these small producers who spontaneously compensated for the system’s deficiencies. This again confirmed Lenin’s warning: do not waste time trying to suppress small producers who spontaneously emerged due to the system’s economic inefficiency.

    This situation fostered widespread corruption. Forced into illegal operations, they became part of the black market, an unregulated secondary economic sector. This group, already operating outside the law, would eventually use its influence to undermine the Soviet government. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 was in no small part a result of these structural cracks being exploited by revisionists and imperialist forces.

    The Stalin model was absolutely necessary under the historical conditions before World War II; this is beyond dispute. But to freeze wartime emergency measures into eternal dogma for peacetime is metaphysics.














  • Collecting 100’s of millions to billions of votes for every little decision is absolutely unfeasible. Even if the act of voting itself was instant the time lag for everyone to get informed to the degree they feel comfortable and then get around to voting alone would make it unworkable. There’s a reason even movements like the Zapatistas end up shifting towards some version of councils/representatives.